She isn't the stereotypical "Muslim woman", draped in a burqa or kept confined to her home, that the "mainstream" media portrays Muslim women as and as traditionalist Muslim clerics would like them to be. Nigar Ataulla is the editor of India's largest-selling English-language Islamic magazine, Islamic Voice, based in Bangalore. She enjoys the enviable distinction of being one of the few women editors of any major religious periodical in the country.
"Both my parents were academics", the soft-spoken Ataualla tells me, "and they insisted that all their children-we three sisters- should be well-educated and stand on our own feet". After taking a degree in journalism, Ataulla worked for several years with an advertising agency, till she decided that making commercial advertisements was not really what she wanted to do for the rest of her life. "I had an irrepressible urge within to communicate to a wider audience and that is how I entered the field of journalism", she explains. She began by publishing letters in various newspapers, and then did a short stint with "Meantime", a Muslim-owned monthly, till three years ago when she was appointed as editor of Islamic Voice.
A woman heading an Islamic magazine, Ataulla says, may not raise many eyebrows in many other countries, but in India it certainly is a major challenge. Although her appointment as the editor of Islamic Voice did not stir any controversy, she says that some people might have balked at the idea of a woman editor when other, and what they thought of as equally capable, men were available for the job. Managing an Islamic magazine, Attaulla says, is no easy task. "We have to be constantly cautious of how even a minor remark or statement would be received, because some people might get affronted as raise a hue and cry". Since Islamic Voice aims at a broad Muslim audience, unlike many other Islamic magazines that cater to particular Muslim sects, an innocuous article on any issue might be construed as an attack on a particular sect or its beliefs and practices. Attaulla cites an example. "I wanted to write a lead article on the popular practices associated with the celebration of the Prophet's birthday, the processions that are taken out in the streets, the bursting of crackers, feasting and so on. I wanted to say that all this is unnecessary and is not taught in the Quran, but I was not able to do so for fear that it would anger a particular Muslim sect that believes these practices are all allowed for in Islam.
Another major problem that bedevils the Muslim media in India, Attaulla says, is the paucity of people who can write on social issues. "Very few of our contributors are willing to do any field-work or investigative stories that entail travelling to the field. They would prefer to sit in the comfort of their homes or libraries and simply quote from the Qur'an or the sayings of the Prophet on this or that issue, thinking that in this way all our problems will be solved". This simplistic approach, she says, informs Muslim publishing in general in India. "Muslim publishing houses specialise in producing books on Islamic theology and law, and very few of them have published anything on actually existing Muslim communities and their real-world social problems and concerns. They seem to imagine that preaching about Islam is a substitute for actually engaging in understanding and working to change society". Likewise, she says, in the madrasas, where the ulama or Muslim clerics, are trained, students are, in general, kept ignorant of contemporary social reality, because of which they are unable to write on anything other than strictly religious issues. Similarly, few Muslim bookshops stock anything other than religious books. Even fewer sell books by liberal Muslim thinkers." For these sorts of books", Attaulla tells me, "I inevitably have to go to non-Muslim bookshops. I think this really tells a lot about the level of intellectual discourse in our community".
Attaulla pleads for Muslim journalists and publishing houses to think beyond simply religious issues narrowly defined. "It's as if they believe that confronting the real world, which is far from the ideal world that they aspire to, might weaken their own faith. This has to change if Muslim journalism is to be responsive to people's lived realities", she insists. An "obsessive concern" for religious issues, and ignoring other aspects of life, she says, is a dominant feature of much of the Muslim press. "Muslims, as a rule, respond only to religious issues or issues that concern them alone", she says. "We need to think also of the wider society, and of issues other than those strictly religious as well. How else can we expect others to take an interest in our issues and problems?", she asks.
"Most Muslim publishing houses and organisations are ideologically driven", Attaulla explains. "They are associated with one or the other Muslim sect and see their mission as promoting that particular sectarian view in the name of Islam". Consequently, alternate views are frowned upon and are often sought to be suppressed. She cites the instance of a function organised recently in Bangalore by a certain Islamic organisation that included a book exhibition. "The organisers sent out a list to the different groups setting up bookstalls at the event mentioning the titles of the books that could be advertised or sold. Many of the groups protested at this attempt at moral policing and refused to participate in the function. Unless we are able to openly express diverse views and engage in dialogue, rather than branding each other as enemies how can we progress?", she asks, explaining that Islamic Voice seeks to rise above sectarian differences and thereby help promote a climate conducive to dialogue within the community as also between Muslims and Hindus.
Our conversation turns to the issue of Muslim women and their portrayal in the media. Attaulla admits that the "mainstream" Indian media does have a tendency to sensationalise the marginalisation of Muslim women and thereby portray Islam as "obscurantist". "Mainstream" papers rarely publish any positive stories about Muslim women, thereby reinforcing the stereotypical image of Muslim women as oppressed and pathetic creatures. At the same time, Ataulla argues, deeply-entrenched patriarchal structures and prejudices within the community cannot be ignored and must also be challenged. Yet, she adds, patriarchy and women's oppression, she says, is a universal phenomenon and one that is by no means specific to Muslims alone. Hence, she says, Muslim women must also work with their sisters in other communities to critique patriarchy and struggle for their rights. Ataulla believes many secular women's groups are seriously committed to Muslim women's issues, and she herself has worked with them on numerous occasions. She tells me, with approval, of the Muslim women who regularly approach a secular women's group in Bangalore for counselling or who visit the family court located in the Police commissioner's office for help. "If the ulema or Muslim organisations are unable to provide them the support and comfort they need, it is but right that these women should look for other sources of help. After all, these other groups are not engaged in any anti-Islamic conspiracy, as is sometimes alleged by some Muslims", she says.
Attaulla describes herself as a believing and practising Muslim. She does not see Islam, as she understands it, as sanctioning gender inequality. "I believe that every woman must be educated and must also be economically independent, even after marriage", she insists. She sees nothing "un-Islamic" about this, and argues that the opinion of the conservative ulema that women must remained confined to their homes is not strictly Quranic. "The argument that women must always be accompanied by men every time they step out of their homes is completely wrong", she says. "Why should women be controlled in this way? Islam preaches freedom, so it is not Islamically legitimate to oppose a woman's basic freedom, provided she abides by basic moral virtues. The same holds true in the case of a man, although, unfortunately, this issue is hardly ever raised.
Rethinking traditional rulings on a range of issues, including women, Ataulla argues, is imperative in order to develop a relevant understanding of Islam for today. The conservative ulema who insist on women being kept cloistered in their homes have mistaken medieval Muslim jurisprudence or fiqh for the divine law or shariah, she explains, and says that this has led to the growing irrelevance of many of their pronouncements on women which few educated Muslim women would willingly assent to. Medieval fiqh texts, she says, continues to be taught in the madrasas unmodified and are presented as the normative shariah, valid for all time. Since the corpus of medieval fiqh developed in a hierarchal and patriarchal society, it naturally reflects patriarchal biases. "The task before Muslim intellectuals today", Attaulla insists, "is to go back to the Quran for inspiration, instead of blindly following what the medieval scholars said and wrote". The distinction between the letter and the spirit of the shariah must also be kept in mind, she argues, in order to interpret the shariah in consonance with modern concerns and sensibilities. In Attaulla's Quran-centric vision of Islam, women and men have equal rights to education and work outside the home, although, she adds, they must both observe proper decorum and modesty.
Getting across this message of Quranically-mandated gender equality is no easy task, Ataulla admits. The conservative ulema, particularly of the older generation, she says, have been trained in a patriarchal tradition. She places her hopes in the younger generation of ulema coming out of somewhat more progressive madrasas like the Nadwat ul-Ulema in Lucknow, who recognise the importance of women's education and empowerment. She cites an instance of a madrasa near Mysore she recently visited, many of whose students are from the Nadwat ul-Ulema. She was the first woman to speak at the madrasa, and the students, she says, were "very open" to the idea of being lectured to for the first time in their lives by a woman.
The press is a crucial means for promoting gender justice, Ataulla says, but laments that the Muslim press has not seriously taken up this issue. More often than not, she says, Muslim papers uncritically uphold and defend the views on women of the traditionalist ulema. If more Muslim women were to take to writing, she says, they might offer different, more progressive, understandings of Islam, including on the issue of women. As of now, few women are doing that. This owes to several factors, including low female literacy among Muslims, the small middle class among the community that can spearhead reforms and articulate new, more gender-positive understandings of Islam, and the fact that many people believe that women are not qualified enough to speak authoritatively about their religion. "We would love to carry more stories written by women in Islamic Voice", Attaulla says, "but we receive so few of them. Most of them are from abroad, and the stuff we get from most women in India are either poems or else quotations from the Quran and sayings of the Prophet. We get very few articles from our women contributors, and indeed from men as well, on the actual living conditions of Muslim women or on modernist understandings of Islam and gender justice that are being articulated today in some Arab and Western Muslim scholars and activists.
Attaulla has mixed feelings on the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board, that imagines itself as the sole spokesman of all the Muslims of India. She says, "The Board cannot be wished away, but it certainly must be reformed". She sees it as dominated by older generation ulema, many of whom are out of touch with the times, and argues for the inclusion of younger, more open-minded ulema, particularly from south India, as well as community activists. She also stresses the need to include many more women in the Board, complaining that the few women who are presently members of the Board are not taken seriously. Having more educated and socially involved women members might force the Board to take women's issues more seriously than it has so far. Partly because of the silence of Muslim women's voices within the Board, she says, the Board has been unable or unwilling to listen to their demands for reforming Muslim Personal Law. In this regard she terms the Board's recently released "model" nikahnamah or marriage contract as failing to meet women's demands. "It does not outlaw the un-Quranic practice of triple talaq in one sitting, and nor does it insist on the need for absolute equality and justice between the wives in the case of a polygamous marriage", she complains. The exclusion of tafweez-e talaq or delegated divorce that allows for the dissolution of a marriage if the husband fails to meet certain specified conditions is equally "unfortunate", she says, although she adds that the inclusion of a clause in the nikahnamah specifying the mehr or dower received by or promised to the wife is a welcome step.
On the Board's controversial appeal to Muslims to have their marital disputes solved in dar ul-qazas or shariah courts manned by traditionalist ulema, instead of the state courts Attaulla is clearly not enthusiastic. It is likely that women may not be able to get justice from these parallel courts, she says, because the ulema who man them generally uphold the rules of medieval fiqh that militate against women's equality, and also because in their decisions the state courts would be more likely to be governed by the facts of the case than by a dogged commitment to medieval fiqh prescriptions, in contrast to the ulema. She disagrees with the argument, put forward by some members of the Board, that the state courts are not competent to try cases under Muslim Personal Law or that they might be engaged in a "conspiracy" to "destroy" Islam and Muslim identity by interpreting the shariah in a manner that, while granting women more rights, departs from traditional notions of fiqh. "Muslims do feel that their identity is threatened, especially from Hindutva chauvinists, but I think we Muslims also overdo this conspiracy theory sometimes. It is ridiculous to claim that just about everything that the government wants to do for Muslims is actually a so-called anti-Islamic conspiracy", she exclaims.
It is now prayer-time and the call of the muezzin from the mosque nearby rings out. I take my leave and, walking down the street in the scorching sun, I muse about the fallacy of stereotypes and of how the woman I have just met hardly fits the mould of the stereotypical Muslim woman that the "mainstream" media, the conservative ulema and die-hard Islamists have so sedulously colluded in constructing.
Showing posts with label Commercial. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Commercial. Show all posts
Home News Business Opinion Arts & Ideas Blogs Multimedia Vedomosti Islamic Finance in Russia: Issues and Solutions
Islamic finance is the fastest growing market in ethical finance with an annual average growth rate of between 10 percent and 20 percent. Current global Islamic finance assets stand at $800 billion and are predicted by some to rise to $4 trillion by 2015. The credit crunch has provided Islamic finance with a unique opportunity to assert its values of ethically based financing, which could help to shape the global financial industry as a whole.
Islamic finance distinguishes itself from conventional finance in its compliance with the principles of Islamic commercial jurisprudence. Islamic finance techniques seek to promote ethical and socially responsible investment while providing an alternative to interest-based finance. The main tenets of Islamic commercial jurisprudence prohibit interest payments on monetary loans or securities, speculation, uncertainty in certain contractual terms and engaging in anti-social business activities. Some of the main Islamic financing techniques include murabaha (cost-plus financing), sukuk (Islamic bonds), ijara (based on the leasing of an asset), istisna’a (production/construction financing) and musharaka (equity investment).
The recent defaults in the Islamic finance industry have shown that the Gulf has been affected by the same liquidity issues as the West, with central banks actively intervening to encourage interbank lending. However, there are significant differences in the views about long-term prospects expressed by bankers in different states in the Gulf, as well as between bankers situated in Western banks, conventional local banks and Islamic banks, with the latter being the most optimistic, especially if they are based in countries with rich energy resources. The general view among all bankers is that they will monitor market performance in the first two quarters of next year.
Islamic finance distinguishes itself from conventional finance in its compliance with the principles of Islamic commercial jurisprudence. Islamic finance techniques seek to promote ethical and socially responsible investment while providing an alternative to interest-based finance. The main tenets of Islamic commercial jurisprudence prohibit interest payments on monetary loans or securities, speculation, uncertainty in certain contractual terms and engaging in anti-social business activities. Some of the main Islamic financing techniques include murabaha (cost-plus financing), sukuk (Islamic bonds), ijara (based on the leasing of an asset), istisna’a (production/construction financing) and musharaka (equity investment).
The recent defaults in the Islamic finance industry have shown that the Gulf has been affected by the same liquidity issues as the West, with central banks actively intervening to encourage interbank lending. However, there are significant differences in the views about long-term prospects expressed by bankers in different states in the Gulf, as well as between bankers situated in Western banks, conventional local banks and Islamic banks, with the latter being the most optimistic, especially if they are based in countries with rich energy resources. The general view among all bankers is that they will monitor market performance in the first two quarters of next year.
The cost of occupation
Israel would not survive as a separate state without the ongoing supply of arms, aid, and military technology by the United States. Since 1976, Israel had been the largest annual recipient of U.S. foreign assistance, totaling $81.3 billion over the last half century and currently running at about $3 billion a year, with about $1.8 billion a year in Foreign Military Financing (IMF) grants from the Department of Defense and an additional $1.2 billion a year in Economic Support Funds (ESF) from the Department of State. 17% of all U. S. foreign aid is earmarked for Israel.
Israel is one of the United State's largest arms importers. In the last decade, the United States has sold Israel $7.2 billion in weaponry and military equipment, $762 million through Direct Commercial Sales (DCS), and more than $6.5 billion through the Foreign Military Financing (IMF) program.
Israel has the world's largest fleet of F-16s outside the U.S., currently possessing more than 200 jets. Another 102 F-16s are on order from Lockheed Martin.
The United States has also underwritten Israel's domestic armaments industry, by giving:
- $1.3 billion to develop the Lavi aircraft (cancelled)
- $625 million to develop and deploy the Arrow anti-missile missile (an ongoing project)
- $200 million to develop the Merkava tank (operative); the latest version, the Merkava 4, uses a German V-12 diesel engine produced under license in the U. S. by General Dynamics
- $130 million to develop the high-energy laser anti-missile system (ongoing).
The U.S. also gives Israel weapons and ammunition as part of the Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program, providing these articles completely free of charge. Between 1994-2001 the U.S. provided many weapons through this program, including:
- 64,744 M-16A1 rifles
- 2,469 M-204 grenade launchers
- 1,500 M-2 0.50 caliber machine guns
- 0.30 caliber, 0.50 caliber, and 20mm ammunition
The Israeli Arsenal contains, amongst others, the following US weaponry:
50 F-4E Phantoms, 98 F-15 Eagles, 237 F-16 Fighting Falcons, 42 AH-64 Apache Attack Helicopters, 57 Cobra Attack Helicopters, 38 CH-53D Sea Stallion Helicopters, 25 Blackhawk Helicopters, various missile systems (Maverick, Hellfire, TOW, Sparrow, Sidewinder, Patriot, and Harpoon and Anti-Ship Missiles).
Thousands of Palestinians have thus been killed and tens of thousands been wounded by American weaponry which by US laws are prohibited from being used for non-defensive purposes. Israel would, of course, claim that all its actions are in defence of its security, but this view is neither shared by human rights organisations nor the UN whose employees have also been amongst the casualties.
Speaking at a briefing of the Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine (CPAP) in May 2002, Thomas Stauffer, an international oil and finance consultant, added to these direct costs the indirect costs to the American public for their governments uncritical support of Israel, citing the need for foreign aid to other countries as a result of America's support for Israel and the billions of dollars in lost trade, contracts, jobs, and business ventures in the Middle East.
U.S aid to Turkey, which amounts to billions of dollars annually, is linked to Turkey's relationship with Israel, which in turn is linked to U.S. policy toward Israel. Billions of dollars in U.S. aid to Central Asian countries, under the pretext of promoting emerging democracies, are part of U.S. efforts to confine Iran, which again is tied to U.S. policy toward Israel. The same applies to the countries of the Caucasus. Contributions by Jewish organizations and individuals are another element of consequential aid to Israel. These latter contributions, averaging from $1-1.5 billion are tax-deductible.
Then there are other, even harder to track forms of aid because there is no government overview. One example comes from the Central Bank of Israel's statistics which show that in the 1980s the United States bailed out the Israeli banking system at a cost of $10‑12 billion. Americans probably never knew this because there is no trace of the money in American records. Israel has never returned the money and is unlikely to be asked to return it. Furthermore, the United States has undertaken loan guarantees from various sources totalling about $10 billion, of which $7 billion have been initialled. Stauffer called this a "contingent liability" on the United States, because Israel has no prospect of repayment.
Jewish immigration from Russia to Israel, also a hidden cost, is subsided by the United States with some $60-100,000 million annually. And then there are the losses to U.S. military institutions. According to Stauffer, the United States has poured billions of dollars into Israeli military technology, technology that is in direct competition with that of the U.S., citing the Israeli Lavi fighter program and Arrow missile system as examples. Israel enjoys large discounts on what are considered "surplus" U.S. arms, and Israeli military firms have the upper hand in relationships with U.S. military firms. U.S. contractors are required to subcontract Israeli firms for military components, subcontracts that would otherwise have gone to American firms. Furthermore, for every dollar of military equip ment the United States gives Israel, the United States buys 60 cents worth of Israeli equipment. The difference here is that while the United States pays with real money, Israel does not.
Another "consequential" cost to the U. S. economy with a potential price tag of $20-30 billion a day is the oil supplies guarantee. Should Israel's oil supply be cut off, the United States guarantees to provide Israel with oil regardless of U.S. oil supply levels.
Another hidden cost to the U. S. economy with a direct effect on the American people is trade losses with Israel and with those countries Israel perceives as hostile. Stauffer's data reveal that the United States' trade deficit with Israel is about $5-5.5 billion. One reason for this is that Israel, for example, can buy textile from China, re-label it, and sell it to the
United States duty-free. But the real reason behind the losses, said Stauffer, is the trade imbalance between the United States and Israel. While the United States pays real money for its imports from Israel, Israel does not pay real money for its imports from the United States. The result is an annual trade imbalance of just under $10 billion. In terms of jobs, that comes to about a quarter of a million American jobs lost.
U.S. sanctions on Libya, Syria, Iran, and Iraq-sanctions linked to U.S. policy toward Israel are costing the U.S. economy about $14 billion annually in potential trade, Stauffer added, basing his calculations on trade and economic studies. The sanctions, which only affect U. S. companies and not their competitors, translate into 500,000 to 600,000 in lost U.S. jobs. U.S. policy toward Iraq, presented to the American people in terms of protecting Gulf oil supplies, is really meant to weaken Iraq, seen by Israel as a potential threat. The Israeli lobby in the United States has foiled major U.S trade contracts with Arab and Muslim countries, like the 1980s aircraft sales contract with Saudi Arabia that cost the U.S. economy between $20-25 billion annually.
In return Zionist organisations in the United States sweeten the pill by providing political financing for Democrats and Republicans during election campaigns. The American public, on the other hand, are the net losers.
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